That “likely voter” every PAC, campaign, and consultant leans on — and the score the big data vendors ship — is really just a participation rate: of every general election on a voter’s record, the share they actually turned out for. It’s a rear‑view mirror. For a high‑turnout presidential general it’s mostly fine. But in the primaries, municipals, and off‑cycle races that decide most offices, last time’s voters and this time’s voters are barely the same people. The Civly Turnout Score predicts who will actually turn out in this election — a calibrated turnout probability on every voter, delivered as a single ready‑to‑use score.
Rank the “reliable” voters by how many recent generals they turned out for, then build your poll sample, your targeting, and your GOTV around the top of the list: that’s the standard playbook, shared across PACs, campaigns, and consultants alike. It holds up in a high‑turnout general, when nearly everyone votes. It falls apart on a low‑turnout primary or municipal, where who shows up is a different question every cycle — and when it’s wrong, it’s wrong in two expensive directions at once.
The motivated, sporadic, and newly registered voters who don’t match last cycle’s pattern get ranked too low to make the cut — so no one ever calls them, and the model quietly writes off people who were going to vote.
On a real low‑turnout race, of the “likely voters” the rule flags, only 62% actually cast a ballot. Nearly four in ten — and the budget behind them — go to people who don’t turn out.
On that same race — a 2025 municipal — the rule got just 67% of its calls right, barely two‑thirds, on exactly the elections that decide the most offices.
We score every voter before an election the model has never seen, then grade each call against who actually turned out — a forward forecast, not a backward tally. On that low‑turnout race it calls 83% right, against 67% for the rule. And on the 2024 general, across nine states, it is more accurate in every one.
For each voter, does the call — will vote or will not — match what they actually did? On a 2025 municipal, right 83% of the time, against 67% for the participation‑rate rule in the file today.
And it isn’t one race. Here is how often each is right when it says a voter will — or won’t — turn out, state by state, on the 2024 general (every one a statewide election, so the whole electorate was on the ballot):
| State | Rule of thumb | Civly Score |
|---|---|---|
| Kansas | 71% | 87% |
| Delaware | 76% | 86% |
| Missouri | 77% | 86% |
| North Carolina | 78% | 86% |
| Pennsylvania | 79% | 83% |
| Florida | 78% | 81% |
| District of Columbia | 78% | 80% |
| Rhode Island | 80% | 82% |
| Michigan | 85% | 87% |
The Civly Score is more accurate in all nine states — 84% of calls correct on average, versus 78% for the rule of thumb. Every score is graded against official state turnout records, and the model only ever sees information available before each election, so nothing is contaminated by the outcome it predicts.
The Turnout Score is one piece of a single cycle that runs off one scored voter file — poll the electorate, test your message, target the voters who move, weight for who will actually show up, then act and re‑poll to measure the lift. See how the whole loop fits together, or talk to us about putting it to work on your voter outreach.
Measured against real recorded turnout the model had not seen — the 2024 general across nine states, and a 2025 municipal · the foil is the participation rate the field relies on — of every general election on a voter’s record, the share they turned out for · graded turnout-matched (as many predicted voters as truly turned out).